28 June 2024, Issue 3
    

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  • Dong Jingsheng
    Area Studies. 2024, (3): 5-31.
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    The civil-military relations in Mexico were stable in colonial times (1492-1810), the authoritarian rule by Diaz (1876-1910), and one-party governments (1929-2000). However, it was tense during the early independence under the caudillos (1810-1876), as well as during Mexican revolution and afterwards (1910-1929). Compared with other Latin American nations, Mexican civil-military relation is unique. Between the 1960s and 1970s, the authoritarian regimes in most South American countries were established and ruled by military. However, at the same time, a civil soft-authoritarian regime was created by a one-party rule in Mexico, without military intervention. Since the 1980s, democratization was accompanied by the political de-militarization in South America, while a national remilitarization tendency appeared in Mexico.
  • Wu Xiang
    Area Studies. 2024, (3): 32-52.
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    The civil-military relations in India are famous for its longterm stability of “civilian control of military”. During its hundreds of years of colonial rule, Britain constantly adjusted its means to control the armed forces. The relevant institutional arrangement of its control over the military was like a “double-edged sword”. While establishing the civilian control, it also laid a hidden danger for the establishment of a stable civil-military relation in India in the future. With the rise of the Indian independence movement, India's local political groups stepped on the historical stage and began to participate in planning how to control the armed forces. After India's independence, the Indian National Congress carried out a number of decolonization measures, partly overcoming the turbulent factors left by the British “colonial legacy” and initially establishing the basic framework of India-style civil-military relations. Since the beginning of the new century, in response to new challenges in the military and security fields, the Bharatiya Janata Party has forcefully pushed forward the military reform that had been shelved for decades, bringing many variables to the future development of the civil-military relations in India.
  • Luo Anli
    Area Studies. 2024, (3): 53-80.
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    The settlement issue has always been the focus and difficulty of Israeli-Palestinian peace process. However, current research focuses mainly on the Israeli government, the relevant political parties or the religious organizations, while the interaction between the IDF and the government and the role of the army in the issue are not discussed thoroughly. On the basis of analyzing three cases, i.e., the settlement construction in 1967, Israeli-Palestinian peace process in 1993, and Sharon's unilateral withdrawal policy in 2005, this paper puts forward the basic model of the interaction between the Israeli government and the army. It points out that the Israeli government has not achieved complete control over the military although the classical exchange relationship between civilian government and the army is stable for the most time. Once the military perceives harm from a certain policy of the government, they would challenge the government. The validity of its challenge is mainly determined by two factors, one is division within the civilian government, the other is the level of government's need for the military to provide legitimacy for this policy.
  • Xia Fangbo
    Area Studies. 2024, (3): 81-123.
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    The rise of populist movements has become an important feature of contemporary world politics, and the empirical reality in Southeast Asia shows that the changes of populist politics in each country has significantly diverged. The Philippines' populist politics has successfully institutionalized its transformation into a new political family, while Indonesia's populist politics has been tactical and marginalized. Established studies emphasizing the role of economic shocks, elite interactions, and cultural institutions have struggled to provide satisfactory answers to these phenomena. In order to explain the differences in the changes of populist politics, this paper proposes an analytical framework for the creation of elite coalition institutions and the diagnosis of populist discourse, and anaylzes the cases of populist politics in Thailand, Indonesia, and the Philippines. Based on this explanatory framework, this study finds that populist movements in three Southeast Asia countries are difficult to cope with through the self-correcting capacity of Western democracies, and that the key lies in the ability of ruling elites to build effective government responsiveness and state governance capacity to optimize distribution and redistribution structures based on economic development, thereby defusing the intrusion of populist politics.
  • Chen Lijuan
    Area Studies. 2024, (3): 124-158.
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    Ethiopia, Rwanda and Burundi, the three East African multi-ethnic countries all experienced ethnic conflicts-induced civil wars in the late 20th century. As the three countries adopted different post-war ethnic policies, their ethnic politics show different patterns. Rwanda and Burundi have maintained political stability, and ethnic tensions have tended to defuse, while civil war broke out again in Ethiopia. Rwanda prohibits the distinction of ethnic identity, realizes social cohesion with the national identity of “Rwandans”, and implements the integrationist model, which largely keeps off ethnic politicization and ethnic identity based competition for power; Burundi, marked by consociationalist ethnic institutions, takes ethnic identities as the basis for political participation in socioeconomic and political life. All ethnic groups share power in a settled proportion, the multi-ethnic nature of political parties has been significantly enhanced, and ethnic relations have become stable; Ethiopia not only emphasizes ethnic identity, but also superimposes the triple identity of ethnicity, region and political party. However, the federation has not established sound provisions for the distribution of power among its diverse ethnic groups. The states based on ethnicity are distinct and do not integrate with each other. Ethnic nationalism and ethno-federalism in Ethiopia have intertwined power and ideological struggles between and within ethnic groups, creating conflicts and the risks of civil war. Although the ruling coalition of EPRDF has transformed into the Prosperity Party with a broad representation, and the ethnic system has transformed to the integrationist model, the country has not yet escaped the dilemma of ethnic politics.
  • Jin Yong
    Area Studies. 2024, (3): 159-181.
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    The story of Nang Nak (The Ghost Wife) is a very popular and well-known folktale in Thailand, and Nang Nak has become the most famous ghost figure in Thai folklore. This paper uses the “historical evolution system” to sort out the texts of the Nang Nak story and to systematically examine the origin, development, and variation of the story. The analysis reveals that the Nang Nak story is an “invented tradition”, it is not a story that naturally evolved in Thailand, and its embryonic form is far from the final text of the story. Literary creation plays a vital role in it. Playwright Narathip Praphanphong's opera version of I Nak Phrakhanong established the main plot and core structure of the story. Narathip Praphanphong's play is probably based on the Chinese story Legend of the White Snake. In terms of the types of folktale, Legend of the White Snake and Nang Nak are actually different variants of the same story type in the different cultural contexts of China and Thailand. The story of Legend of the White Snake entered Thailand with the Chinese immigrants and spread among Thai folk and court, mainly through “ngiu”, the Chinese opera performances. In addition, Chinese cultural factors also played an important role in the further development and enrichment of the story. Thus, the story of Nang Nak in Thailand was formed and shaped by the combined forces of Chinese and Thai cultures, and it also became the result and witness of cross-cultural exchange between China and Thailand.
  • Ma Jun
    Area Studies. 2024, (3): 182-208.
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    Literature, as a form of social creation and practice, as a medium of language, is visible and widely used in human life. Furthermore, literature can “reproduce” life, even the natural world and the inner or subjective world of individuals, which have always been the objects “imitated” by literature. However, literature is not simply a mirror or replica of life. By exploring the artistic techniques employed by authors and the relationship between the depiction of life in their works and the social reality they reflect, and discussing how does artistic creation organically combine the malleability of human self-consciousness with social reality, researchers can better transform literary studies into a “scalpel” for revealing the essence of life and provide a unique path for in-depth understanding of specific communities. Swahili dramatic literature, as one of the most important components of modern Swahili literature, is significant not only because it grants indigenous authors and readers great autonomy, enabling them to truly create, perform, and interpret the real life of their communities, but also because external readers can experience the authentic social life of East Africa through the literary medium of “drama” and glimpse the imprints of social transformations in East Africa embedded in ordinary people. This article takes the development history of modern Swahili dramatic literature as the macro background and focuses on Ebrahim Hussein's final work in Tanzanian modern dramatic literature, “Kwenye Ukingo wa Thim” (On the Edge of Nowhere), to explore the various dilemmas and responses of different groups hidden behind this play, as well as the evident collision between Tanzanian tradition and modernity depicted in the text. The aim is to provide a different perspective on the perception and understanding of Tanzanian society and culture in the current world.
  • Derya Göçer
    Area Studies. 2024, (3): 209-232.
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    In 21st century, area studies are undergoing deep transformations. Part of these transformations are occurring in parallel to transformation in disciplines in social sciences, reflecting the discussions around themes of this period, such as uni/multi polarity, globalization and migration. On the other hand, new theoretical and methodological tendencies that are unique to area studies are also emerging. Behind this period of transformations, there lies a painful process of criticism and self-refiection. This study will map out the area studies in this century and present its new approaches. 21st century area studies will be divided into three axes: mainstream area studies; comparative area studies and critical area studies. It will present their solutions to the traditional problems of the field and their interplay with one another. It will examine how that solve the classic tensions such as universal vs. particular; theory vs. empirical data; their knowledge production processes and their ontological approach to the “area”.
  • Gao Dongjuan
    Area Studies. 2024, (3): 233-256.
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    This paper is a close reading of anthropologist Rebecca L. Stein's book Screen Shots: State Violence on Camera in Israel and Palestine. The book documents the constant presence of cameras in the context of the Israeli- Palestinian confiict since the 21st century. Technological innovations in digital imaging have changed not only the way state violence is observed, but also the way it is witnessed and assessed in the political sphere. Based on the turn of anthropological research on the “social process of image”, Rebecca L. Stein focuses on the various situations encountered by image as a political tool before its popularization, and takes “image witness” and “political denial” as the two underlying logical lines of the book. These two lines illustrate, respectively, the limitations of image witness in the framework of military occupation and the universality of political denial in the logic of visual occupation. Different individuals and institutions in confiict zones have given the image and its online dissemination the function of political ideals. These images have made the camera a sight for the reality of everyday life, an archival record of real events, and a political placeholder for the Israeli- Palestinian confiict, while the actions of individuals and institutions refiect that “using images as a political tool, dreams can often be dashed”.